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Considerable soul searching has overtaken Poland’s media scene since the firing of Gazeta Wyborcza publishing director Jerzy Wojcik by owner Agora SA last month. His dismissal for “disciplinary measures” remains guarded by silence from the publisher. Others have complained and loudly suggesting Agora SA made the move amidst criticism of a plan to downsize if not outright eliminate Gazeta Wyborcza from the company portfolio in favor of digital products. The position of publisher was subsequently eliminated.
Plans to change gears at Agora SA emerged in June, the board indicating that the Gazeta PL and Wyborcza PL portals would be “integrated,” reported media portal Wirtualnemedia (June 17). Wyborcza PL is essentially the Gazeta Wyborcza web portal while Gazeta PL is separate. In keeping with European convention Agora SA is charged with minding the business and the independent Gazeta Wyborcza editorial board makes all the journalistic decisions. Agora Holding, the major Agora SA shareholder, said the integration plan was largely financial and necessary to strengthen the company in the midst of threats for divestment from the populist, nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) political party. (See more about media in Poland here)
By all appearances, this set up a bitter confrontation. Certain persons from the editorial side, some associated with the newspaper since it was the voice of the Solidarity movement, seem disinclined to seek a truce. And the Agora SA side seems content to wait them out.
Considerable focus, then, has been on long-standing editor-in-chief Adam Michnik. Famous as a Polish dissident and participant in the Solidarity Movement, he holds considerable sway with public opinion, arguably more outside Poland than in. “Our relationship with management has long been based on trust,” he said in an interview with French daily Le Monde (November 29), one of several recently with major European newspapers. “Now we are dealing with methods used by bandits. With idiocy, not capitalism.”
Always able to find a silver lining, the happy advertising people are crowing about end-of-year forecasts. Magna, GroupM and Zenith all released effervescent prognostications of more money flowing through and around their world. It’s like that babbling brook in springtime. Well, it’s almost winter on half the globe.
Assessing global advertising for 2021, the current year, Magna Global estimates US$709 billion spent, “rebounding” 22% from 2020. Across the 70 markets measured, all have seen more money, most double digit growth. Magna estimates UK 2021 ad spending growth year-to-year at a blistering 34%, followed by Brazil (30%), Canada (27%) and the US (25%). Obviously, 2020 was not a happy year. But, who cares? Their forecast for 2022 is 12% growth. (See more about advertising spending here)
Zenith was slightly less euphoric. They estimate 2021 global ad spending at US$705 billion, up 15.6%. For 2022 they are expecting a 9.1% bump to US$796.4 billion. The fastest growing regions through 2024 will be Central and Eastern Europe and Middle East and North Africa, double digits for both.
The 2021 media ad spending estimate from GroupM is US$766 billion, not including US political advertising, for a growth rate of 22.5%. For 2022, GroupM sees a 9.7% increase, up from the mid-year forecast of 8.8%. Gazing into their special crystal ball, GroupM sees US$1 trillion for 2025.
The three forecasters, one way or another, cite “pandemic rebound” for the 2021 growth rates, which exceed other economic measures like gross domestic product (GDP). And, surprising nobody, advertising is increasingly a digital world. Magna Global forecasts digital advertising increasing 31.3%, traditional ads just 8.6%. Connected TV and podcasts are hot: print is not. GroupM expects “80% to 90%” of digital advertising to “come from” Alphabet (Google, et.al.), Meta (Facebook, et.al.) and Amazon.
French politicians are preparing appeals to voters in what will certainly be a long campaign year. Voters will go to the polls April 10th for the first round - maybe only, maybe not - to select the next president of the Republic. Official campaigning begins January 1st. Legislative elections will likely be held during the summer, specific dates not yet fixed.
With presidential candidates crawling out of the woodwork, so to speak, voters will certainly be inundated with statements, speeches, campaign events and, of course, campaign ads. It will be loud and continuous. Publishers, broadcasters, bloggers and trolls will also be out in force to inform the public, mostly, or, on other cases, twist everything said into political fodder. (See more about elections and media here)
To the rescue comes the fact checking. News agency AFP (Agence France-Presse), already the largest international supplier of fact checking, announced this week (December 6) a major training effort in France timed as the presidential campaign commences. The major partner in this effort is Google France. Called Objectif Desinfox, the project will supply members of an alliance, yet unidentified, of media and fact checking organizations “to unite the ranks in the fight against disinformation ahead of this privileged and always sensitive moment for our democratic life,” said AFP president Fabrice Fries in a statement. (See more about disinformation here)
One presidential candidate, the far (far) right Eric Zemmour, has already been fact-checked and found wanting for veracity. Until officially declaring candidacy he had been a TV talkshow host, a perfect qualification in the post-modern age. Most recent fact-checking efforts in France, as elsewhere, has centered on the coronavirus pandemic. A recently published study by Ohio State University and George Washington University political science researchers based on interviews conducted in Argentina, Nigeria, South Africa and the UK showed that “fact-checking can be a very effective tool against misinformation.”
The Wall Street Journal editorial board has never been shy about touting the virtues of free-market capitalism. As a significant business and financial publication this is a trademark of the WSJ brand. Likewise, it has always bluntly assessed threats to that realm, perceived or real.
Hong Kong authorities howled after a WSJ editorial (November 29) pointedly complained about elections rules demanding all votes be cast for the Communist Party “or else.” The WSJ editorial board did not hold back. "Boycotts and blank ballots are one of the last ways for Hong Kongers to express their political views.” Hong Kong is a top-tier financial market, seen as a gateway to mainland China; hence, business and financial publishers are attentive. But the shine on Hong Kong is slipping, according to some observers, as the Chinese Communist Party increases its grip. (See more about media in China here)
“Factual inaccuracies and baseless assumptions,” complained Hong Kong Minister for Constitutional Affairs Erick Tsang in a letter to the WSJ editorial board, dutifully published (December 6). He went on to accuse the WSJ editorial board of “scaremongering,” adding that “inciting another person not to vote, or to cast an invalid vote, by activity in public during an election period is an offense. We reserve the right to take necessary action.”
Three WSJ reporters were expelled last year from Hong Kong, once a major Asian media hub. Last month Hong Kong authorities refused to renew a work visa for Economist correspondent Sue-Lin Wong. “There is no doubt now that anything that may upset the Chinese authorities could get you in trouble,” said Le Monde Hong Kong correspondent Florence de Changy, quoted by Al-Jazeera (November 15). (See more about press/media freedom here)
While monitoring the output of television channel CNews in October and November French media regulator CSA discovered certain subjects had been relegated to the all-night show, midnight through 5 in the morning. The subjects in question were the French government officials and political party France Insoumise (LFI). CNews was informed with a formal notice last week that this violates pluralism rules and they have until the end of December to make appropriate corrections. January 1st is the official start of the French election campaign season before which CNews, under its operating license, must “give the floor” one-third of its broadcast day to the Office of the French Presidency and other members of the government. After the official start of the election campaign broadcasters as required to offer candidates, their representatives and political parties “representative” access.
"It also appears that the (French government) executive and France Insoumise were the only categories of stakeholders to be subject to such massively unfavorable programming conditions and resulting in marked under-representation,” said a CSA statement reported by France Info (December 4). A month earlier the CSA informed CNews and owner Canal+ of "the need to ensure a more balanced exposure of the political formations with regard to the schedules of diffusion.” Canal+ Group then "contested the position adopted by the (CSA) and refrained from announcing measures likely to absorb, even partially, the imbalances observed.” (See more about elections and media here)
CNews is an all-talk TV channel that offers viewers right-wing show hosts. Until recently, one of the loudest and most far-flung was Eric Zemmour, who left the channel after announcing candidacy for the French Presidency. Last March the CSA fined CNews for “incitement to hatred and violence” based on comments broadcast by M Zemmour. The channel is stacked with far-right extremist show hosts. Canal+ is a subsidiary of Vivendi, the conglomerate principally owned by Vincent Bolloré. He has taken control of national radio channel Europe 1, through a stock purchase in Lagardère News. Europe 1 effectively simulcasts CNews programming. (See more about media in France here)
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